Spotlight returns to Molefe, Singh’s ‘apprenticeship in thievery’ at Transnet before Eskom’s looting

A dozen years after their accelerating exercise in State plunder began, former Transnet and Eskom bosses Brian Molefe and Anoj Singh are back in the spotlight after this week’s court appearance. Civic society body OUTA played a major role in accumulating evidence that put them in the dock. OUTA CEO Wayne Duvenage reminds us how the Gupta family used willing puppets like Molefe and Singh to fleece tens of billions from South African taxpayers through inflated contracts with Chinese suppliers. Duvenage spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg..Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Support South Africa’s bastion of independent journalism, offering balanced insights on investments, business, and the political economy, by joining BizNews Premium. Register here.If you prefer WhatsApp for updates, sign up to the BizNews channel here.The auditorium doors will open for BNIC#2 on 10 September 2025 in Hermanus. For more information and tickets, click here..Watch here.Listen here. Court papers show Guptas bought and paid for Molefe years before Eskom.BizNews Reporter .The recent court appearance of Brian Molefe, Anoj Singh, Siyabonga Gama, and Tam Sankara Jiyani has reignited public scrutiny over one of the darkest chapters in South Africa’s democratic era - state capture. For many, especially younger citizens or those with short political memories, it’s easy to forget the vast scale and consequences of these scandals. But as Wayne Duvenage, CEO of OUTA (Organisation Undoing Tax Abuse), explains in his interview with Alec Hogg, the details are not only clear - they’re damning.At the centre of this saga is Transnet, once a vital state-owned entity responsible for freight rail, ports, and pipelines. Molefe, as CEO, and Singh, as CFO, held the keys to vast sums of public money. What began in 2012 as a seemingly innocuous plan to modernise Transnet’s locomotive fleet soon morphed into a grand scheme of looting. Advisory firm Trillian was paid R93 million for preliminary research - most of which was allegedly funnelled to a shell company called Albatime. Other players, such as Salim Essa and firms like Regiments Capital and McKinsey, soon joined the fray, enabling an inflated procurement process that saw the cost of locomotives balloon from R38 billion to R54 billion.But Transnet was merely the apprenticeship. Molefe and Singh soon moved on to Eskom, taking their blueprint for looting to even greater extremes. Duvenage recounts how billions were laundered through Chinese rail companies, facilitated by banks such as HSBC - raising serious questions about their compliance oversight. OUTA and others tracked these illicit flows offshore, handing over evidence to officials such as the late Pravin Gordhan. Yet years later, Molefe and others continue to claim innocence, some even occupying positions in Parliament.This blatant disconnect between public evidence and political consequence is symptomatic of a wider problem. As Duvenage states, “This is what movies are made of,” highlighting how brazen and absurd the situation has become. Despite the findings of the Zondo Commission and overwhelming documentation, many of those implicated remain unaccountable. The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), while showing recent signs of life, has been hampered by years of underfunding, politicisation, and internal sabotage.The arrest of these individuals is a step in the right direction. But the pace has been agonisingly slow. “Justice delayed is justice denied,” says Duvenage, echoing the frustration of millions of South Africans. He argues that the government, especially President Ramaphosa, has failed to properly fund and prioritise the criminal justice system. Without serious investment in investigative capacity and judicial reform, corruption will continue to flourish in a system designed to be sluggish and overburdened.Yet Duvenage remains cautiously optimistic. “Who’s in power today is not necessarily in power tomorrow,” he notes, referencing how previous cases OUTA pursued under the Zuma administration are now progressing. With upcoming local elections in 2026 and a pivotal general election in 2029, there’s potential for political realignment - if South Africans mobilise and vote. The challenge, however, lies in galvanising a disillusioned electorate. Many voters abstain, frustrated by the lack of ideal options. But, Duvenage argues, choosing the “least bad” party is better than enabling corrupt incumbents through apathy.Ultimately, this is a fight for the soul of South Africa. As Duvenage points out, the nation is rich in potential - its natural resources, human capital, and geographical advantages are unmatched. But none of that can be unlocked until trust in government is restored. That means real consequences for corruption, functioning institutions, and leadership committed to the public good. Only then can the country move from a state of despair to one of hope. And for that to happen, South Africans must remember, vote, and hold their leaders to account.

Spotlight returns to Molefe, Singh’s ‘apprenticeship in thievery’ at Transnet before Eskom’s looting

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