Dirk Hartford: ANC-SACP divorce - The death agony of the National Democratic Revolution

Key topics:The ANC–SACP split marks the ideological collapse of the century-old nationalist–communist alliance that shaped modern South Africa.The SACP’s “Conference of the Left” is less a rebirth than a final appeal from a discredited movement that helped destroy independent labour politics.As the revolutionary project unravels, liberal constitutionalism—led politically by the DA—emerges as the unexpected survivor of post-apartheid politics..By Dirk Hartford*.Three days before ANC President Cyril Ramaphosa—one of South Africa’s wealthiest men—delivered his 32nd Freedom Day address to an empty Bloemfontein stadium, the South African Communist Party (SACP) issued an unprecedented circular. The directive urged all members to defend the party's independence with "revolutionary discipline" and to advance the workers' struggle.Shortly after, the SACP announced an initiative dubbed the "Conference of the Left," scheduled to take place soon. It is an ambitious attempt to assemble everyone on the so-called left—from the MK party to the EFF, Saftu to Cosatu, and a host of lesser-known leftist organisations.We are witnessing the agony of death of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). South Africa’s oldest political allies, inextricably linked for over a century, are suing for divorce. African nationalism and Communism—the ANC and the SACP—are officially parting ways..Read more:.Tripartite Alliance collapse will precede ANC’s: John Matisonn.It is a massive deal ideologically, but less so in reality. Both organisations are on their deathbeds. The SACP’s Conference of the Left will likely be a disaster, if it happens at all. Many independent leftist organisations are treating it with suspicion, if not outright contempt.The SACP is playing the victim, rejecting the ANC’s "ultimatum" not to campaign against it. It is a case of rats forced to abandon a sinking ship, playing one last, desperate card for the "revolution" by appealing to the broader left for succour.They have no chance whatsoever. While we should perhaps be compassionate to their memory—they were, by far, the first non-racial organisation in South Africa, playing a central role in realising the 1994 vision of a democratic state—they have bled all credibility since then.The irony is palpable. During the national liberation struggle, the SACP used its alliance with the ANC to ruthlessly police and block any other suitors. Independent leftists were treated as "enemy number one" within the trade union and mass democratic movements of the 1980s and 90s.Then, as now, the independent left comprised a mixed bag of "workerists"—spanning social democrats, socialists, syndicalists, Trotskyists, anarchists, and even Maoists. They were far more powerful in the 1980s than they are today. For the past 30 years, these forces have tried, and failed, to form a mass, labour-based alternative to the SACP.Despite Numsa—the biggest, most militant, and best-organised union in Africa—being key to these initiatives, the project eventually floundered. The breaking point came when Numsa’s leadership opted for a Leninist "revolutionary party" model rather than a mass worker or Labour Party model.These models are intrinsically linked to the history of the international communist movement. Following the First International, formed by Marx and Engels, which adopted the Communist Manifesto, came the Second International. Today, this is represented by centre-left, labour, and social democratic parties in the West, as well as organisations like the ANC, which still occasionally gather under this banner..Read more:.Sparring continues, but the Government of National Unity endures.Then came the Third International, born after the Russian Revolution and representative of Stalinist and Soviet power worldwide. The SACP was a deeply loyal, sometimes venal agent of this current, supporting the atrocities of Third International Stalinist regimes until their eventual overthrow.There are, and always have been, independent voices on the left. Some identify with the Fourth International, the Trotskyist movement founded in 1938 on the imagination of a "permanent revolution." However, all of them have been brought to their knees over the past 80 years. The global left is being eviscerated by the right across much of the Western world, and South Africa is no exception.The Successes and Failures of the NDRAt the centre of South African politics remains the "National Question." We often fail to appreciate the sheer magnitude of the 1994 settlement in creating a single nation. In today’s fractured global environment, it would be almost unthinkable, much like how a single united nation for Israel and Palestine is unimaginable to many today.The inevitable consequence of colonialism and imperialism was the fierce response from the oppressed and exploited. A collective imagination arose, desiring the exact opposite of colonialism—a movement generally termed the national liberation struggle in Africa. It remains a powerful impulse in all our African nationalist organisations today. The Trials of Winnie Mandela, a brilliant 7-part documentary series, captures this current perfectly and should be compulsory viewing for anyone trying to understand the dynamics at play within the ANC and its offshoots.In South Africa, the communists managed to frame this Africanist current within the conception of the National Democratic Revolution. In their terms, this was the first stage of a two-stage revolution that ultimately led to socialism.The NDR had to be "national"—it had to unite the entire country against the apartheid project, which sought to divide it. This unity was achieved, and it was a staggering accomplishment. However, it is now fracturing, partly due to the emergence and growth of ethnically anchored nationalist organisations like MK and Inkatha (Zulu), the Freedom Front Plus (Afrikaner), and the Patriotic Alliance (Coloured).The "democratic" aspect also materialised. Our Constitution, Freedom Day, entrenched human rights, and our triumph in diversity—one person, one vote, equality. Remarkably, this democratic pillar is holding up far better in South Africa than in many other parts of the planet.It is the "revolution" where the problem lies—caught in the crossfire between the nationalists, the communists, and the broader left.The NDR—that first stage in the SACP’s vision—has undeniably succeeded in some respects. Over 30 years, it has created two black classes that simply did not exist before. It gave rise to a minute, ultra-wealthy black bourgeoisie and a substantial, well-paid civil middle-managerial class. This was achieved through a combination of—in order of priority—white networks, cadre deployment, BEE deals, state capture, crime, corruption, and public sector salaries that are ridiculous in a global context, especially considering the pitiful "service" provided.A Storm in a TeacupAlthough communists have always been a relatively small, organised force within the Tripartite Alliance, their theories, ideas, and strategies have dominated the Alliance until now. By appealing to the broader left through this upcoming conference, the SACP is declaring its intent to move toward that elusive second stage: socialism.This split means the communists will finally have to take their socialist programme directly to the electorate, standing against an ANC that has already reached its first—and final—destination.Along the way, the ANC has shed slices of itself, usually ostensibly to the "left." These breakaways represent different political personas of nationalism—the EFF (Pan-Africanist), MK (Zulu nationalism), PA (Coloured nationalism), Africa Mayibuye, the Land Party, and others—all of whom draw on varying Marxist ideas to justify their existence.The bitter truth for them is that the SACP has been at the forefront of destroying the independent labour movement and the possibility of a genuinely labour-based, social-democratic alternative. For them to imagine they can now "unite the left" is a pipe dream. Their raison d’être was to deliver the workers' vote via the unions to the ANC, in exchange for the inflated wages and conditions we now see, particularly in the public sector. Thanks to the SACP’s influence since the 1990s, the union movement is today a mere shadow of its former self.The SACP’s true electoral support will be tested for the first time in the municipal elections this coming November. For those who fear a rising left, there is no cause for alarm regarding these shenanigans. It will be a storm in a teacup..Read more:.ANC scrambles to save South Africa's shaky GNU, eyes new alliances after Budget fiasco.It is deeply ironic that, arising from the ashes of the ANC and SACP’s century-old nationalist-communist project, the only clear standout on the South African political scene is the liberals, represented primarily by the DA. From the lone, courageous voice of Helen Suzman during the dark days of apartheid until now, the liberals have, against all odds, carved a permanent seat for themselves at the main table—the very table the SACP is now busy vacating..*Dirk Hartford is a veteran South African journalist, former trade unionist, and the founding CEO of youth radio station YFM. After spending 30 years as an active member of the ANC, he stepped away from party politics to focus on social entrepreneurship in the Overberg. Today, Hartford writes as an independent commentator, bringing his deep insider knowledge of South Africa’s political, social, and labour landscapes to BizNews readers..Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox every morning on weekdays. Register here.Support South Africa's bastion of independent journalism, offering balanced insights on investments, business, and the political economy, by joining BizNews Premium. Register here.If you prefer WhatsApp for updates, sign up to the BizNews channel here.

Dirk Hartford: ANC-SACP divorce - The death agony of the National Democratic Revolution

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