Dear Enoch... Time to embrace Milei's shock therapy blueprint for SA's economic revival - Rob Hersov
Key topics:
Argentina’s Milei cuts inflation, boosts surplus with radical reforms.
South Africa faces deep unemployment, inequality, and economic stagnation.
Adapting Milei’s shock therapy for SA requires careful, phased reforms.
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By Rob Hersov*
Picture this: A wild-haired economist with a chainsaw, promising to slash through decades of economic stagnation. That's Javier Milei, Argentina's libertarian president who took office in December 2023 with a radical promise to transform one of the world's most crisis-prone economies.
Fast-forward to today, and something remarkable has happened. Monthly inflation has plummeted from 25% to under 3%. Argentina achieved its first budget surplus in twelve years. International investors are taking notice, and the IMF has backed his reforms with a massive 20-billion-dollar package.
But here's the question that should keep every South African policymaker awake at night: Could Milei's shock therapy approach work for the Rainbow Nation? Could the same principles that are pulling Argentina back from the economic brink help South Africa escape its own cycle of low growth, crushing unemployment, and deepening inequality?
Today, we're going to explore how to adapt the Milei model for South Africa's unique challenges. We'll examine what worked in Buenos Aires, what could work in Cape Town and Johannesburg, and most importantly, how to implement radical economic reform without tearing apart the social fabric of our young democracy.
The South African Economic Crisis: A Nation at a Crossroads
Let's start with the sobering (depressing, and ANC-inflicted) reality of where South Africa stands today. The numbers paint a picture of an economy in deep distress. Unemployment sits at a staggering 32 percent, with youth unemployment reaching nearly 60 percent. Think about that for a moment: in a country where two out of three young people can't find work, we're not just talking about an economic crisis, we're talking about a social time bomb.
The inequality statistics are even more jarring. South Africa has one of the highest Gini coefficients in the world at 0.67, meaning the gap between rich and poor is wider than almost anywhere else on earth. Sixty-three percent of the population lives below the poverty line. This isn't just about numbers on a spreadsheet; this represents millions of families struggling to put food on the table in a country rich with natural resources and human potential.
For the past decade, South Africa's economy has grown at an anaemic average of just 0.7 percent per year. That's not growth; that's economic stagnation with a population that's still expanding at around 2% per year. Real per capita income has been declining, meaning the average South African is getting poorer year after year.
The structural problems run deep. State-owned enterprises like Eskom and Transnet, once the backbone of the economy, have become millstones around our neck. Loadshedding became a way of life, with rolling blackouts crippling businesses and households alike. The logistics network that should be moving goods efficiently from mines to ports has been plagued by theft, sabotage, and ANC mismanagement. Red tape strangles small businesses before they can even get started.
But here's what makes this crisis particularly tragic: South Africa has everything it needs to succeed. It has abundant natural resources, a sophisticated financial system, world-class universities, and a strategic location that should make us the gateway to Africa. The problem isn't a lack of potential; it's a lack of the right policies to unlock that potential. The ANC has failed us all. Spectacularly.
The Milei Revolution: Shock Therapy That Actually Worked
When Javier Milei took office, Argentina was in an even worse state than South Africa is today. Monthly inflation was running at over 20 percent. The government was spending far more than it was taking in, with a fiscal deficit of 4.4 percent of GDP. The peso was collapsing, and the country was heading toward yet another default in its long history of economic crises.
Milei's response was swift and brutal. He implemented what economists call "shock therapy" – rapid, comprehensive reforms designed to break the cycle of economic dysfunction. Within his first year, he slashed energy and transportation subsidies that had been draining the government budget for decades. He laid off tens of thousands of government workers, froze public infrastructure projects, and imposed wage and pension freezes below the inflation rate.
The political establishment called him crazy. Critics predicted social chaos. But Milei had a clear theory of change: Argentina's problems weren't cyclical; they were structural. Half-measures and gradual reforms had failed for decades. Only radical surgery could save the patient.
The results speak for themselves. Monthly inflation crashed from 25.5 percent in December 2023 to just 2.7 percent by October 2024. Argentina achieved its first budget surplus in twelve years. The black-market premium for dollars, which had been a key indicator of economic distress, fell dramatically. International bond markets rallied, and the country's risk premium dropped to its lowest level in five years.
But Milei didn't stop at fiscal austerity. He launched a comprehensive deregulation program, eliminating import licenses, removing "Buy Argentina" requirements, and preparing to privatize state-owned companies. He aligned Argentina strategically with the United States, securing crucial IMF support and positioning the country as America's closest ally in South America.
The human cost was real – unemployment rose initially, and poverty increased in the short term. But by the second half of 2024, the economy was showing signs of recovery, with output growing for four consecutive months and poverty rates beginning to fall.
Adapting the Milei Model: A South African Economic Revolution
So how do we take the lessons from Buenos Aires and apply them to Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban? The key insight is that while the principles of Milei's approach can work in South Africa, the implementation must be adapted to our unique context and constraints.
Let's start with fiscal discipline. South Africa needs its own version of Milei's budget surplus, but we can't simply copy his approach of massive government layoffs. With unemployment already at 32 percent, we can't afford to put more people out of work. Instead, we need surgical precision. The focus should be on reforming state-owned enterprises that are bleeding money while providing poor service.
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Take Eskom, for example. Instead of mass layoffs, we restructure the company by separating generation, transmission, and distribution. We allow private companies to compete in electricity generation while maintaining the grid as a regulated utility. This creates jobs in the private sector while reducing the fiscal burden on the government. We've already seen this work in other countries – when the UK restructured its electricity sector in the 1990s, it led to lower prices, better service, and more investment.
The same principle applies to Transnet. Instead of trying to fix a broken state monopoly, we open freight rail and port operations to private competition. This doesn't necessarily mean selling off strategic assets; it means creating a competitive market that delivers better service at lower cost.
On deregulation, South Africa has a massive opportunity. The World Bank estimates that cutting our regulatory burden in half could increase economic output by 9 percent. That's not a small improvement; that's transformational growth that could create millions of jobs. We're talking about eliminating the bureaucratic maze that currently means it takes months to start a business, when it should take days.
But here's where we need to be smarter than a pure libertarian approach. We can't just deregulate everything and hope for the best. We need targeted deregulation that focuses on removing barriers to small and medium enterprises while maintaining some essential protections for workers and the environment. We create special economic zones for young entrepreneurs where labour laws are more flexible, but we don't eliminate all worker protections across the board.
The labour market is where South Africa's adaptation needs to be most creative. Milei could impose wage freezes because Argentina's unemployment, while high, wasn't as catastrophic as ours. We need a different approach: youth employment zones where businesses can hire workers under 35 with more flexible contracts and lower regulatory burdens. We expand apprenticeship programs that give young people skills while they earn. We make it easier for skilled immigrants to fill critical gaps while we train our own workforce.
The Implementation Challenge: Building Consensus for Change
The biggest difference between Argentina and South Africa isn't economic; it's political. Milei could implement shock therapy because he had a clear electoral mandate and faced a crisis so severe that dramatic action was unavoidable. South Africa's Government of National Unity has an advantage here – broader political legitimacy – but it also faces the challenge of building consensus among coalition partners. And we need someone in the ANC to stand up and be counted, admit that ANC ideology has failed, and that a change of direction is required.
As Cyril is patently useless as a leader and has no spine whatsoever, maybe my buddy Enoch has the courage here………..
And this is where sequencing becomes crucial. We don't implement everything at once. We start with reforms that create visible wins: streamlining business registration, fixing the visa system for tourists and investors, and beginning the restructuring of the most dysfunctional state-owned enterprises. These early victories build momentum and demonstrate that reform works.
Phase two focuses on the bigger structural changes: opening protected sectors to competition, creating youth employment zones, and beginning the privatization of non-strategic assets. By this point, the economy should be showing signs of improvement, making it easier to build support for more ambitious reforms.
Phase three is where we tackle the most challenging issues: comprehensive labour market reform, full SOE privatization, and the creation of a truly competitive economy. But by then, we're not asking people to take a leap of faith; we're building on demonstrated success.
Critics will argue that this approach is too harsh, that it will increase inequality, that it will hurt the poor. But here's the uncomfortable truth: the current system is already failing the poor. Sixty-three percent poverty and 60 percent youth unemployment aren’t compassionate; it's an ANC-created humanitarian crisis. The most pro-poor policy we can implement is creating an economy that generates jobs and opportunities.
That said, we can't ignore the social dimension. Any South African reform program must include robust social protection during the transition. We maintain and improve social grants while the economy transforms. We expand public works programs that provide immediate employment while building essential infrastructure. We ensure that the benefits of growth are shared broadly, not just captured by those who are already wealthy.
Sorry Cyril Patrice, Moss, and the other 97, but your time at the BEE trough needs to end.
The Choice Before Us: Stagnation or Transformation
The lesson from Argentina isn't that we should copy Milei's policies exactly. It's that bold, comprehensive reform can work when it's properly designed and implemented with political will. Argentina shows us that countries can break out of cycles of economic decline, but only if they're willing to challenge the status quo and make difficult decisions.
South Africa stands at a crossroads. We can continue with incremental reforms that tinker around the edges while unemployment rises and inequality deepens. Or we can embrace a transformation agenda that tackles the root causes of our economic dysfunction. And I don’t mean ANC-style transformation.
The choice isn't between capitalism and socialism, or between growth and equality. It's between a system that works for everyone and a system that works for no one. The current ANC-designed path leads to a failed state with mass unemployment, social unrest, and economic collapse. The alternative path leads to a dynamic, competitive economy that creates opportunities for all South Africans.
Imagine a South Africa where starting a business takes days, not months. Where young people graduate from university or technical college into a job market full of opportunities. Where state-owned enterprises provide world-class service instead of being a drain on the fiscus. Where our ports and railways are so efficient that we become the logistics hub for the entire African continent. Where hundreds of thousands of talented people who have left the country now want to return to help build a new South Africa.
This isn't a fantasy. Countries have made these transformations before. South Korea went from being poorer than Ghana in the 1960s to being a developed economy today. Chile transformed itself from a basket case into Latin America's most prosperous country. Even closer to home, Botswana went from being one of the world's poorest countries at independence to upper-middle-income status today.
The question isn't whether transformation is possible; it's whether we have the political will to make it happen. The Government of National Unity has a unique opportunity – perhaps the last opportunity – to implement the kind of comprehensive reforms that can put South Africa on a path to prosperity.
But this can't just be a government initiative. It requires all of us – business leaders, labour unions, civil society, and ordinary citizens – to support the difficult but necessary changes that will unlock our country's potential.
And it requires a real leader from the ANC to stand up, admit their NDR/RET policies have failed us all, and call for a new direction. (And that sure ain’t spineless Cyril)
The Milei model shows us that economic transformation is possible, even in countries that seem trapped in decline. The question now is whether South Africa will seize this moment or let it slip away. The choice is ours, and the time is now.
The future of South Africa's economy isn't predetermined – it's a choice we make together.
*Rob Hersov, South African businessman and patriot