Lessons from Zimbabwe: How DA and IFP can survive a Mugabe-style GNU

David Coltart, a former minister in Robert Mugabe’s Government of National Unity (GNU), shares some of the hard lessons learned in Zimbabwe where Zanu-PF used the GNU to hollow out the opposition and become stronger than ever. “.. applying that to South Africa, the DA, the IFP,  they need to demonstrate some savvy. It’s a balance. Obviously, they’ve got to deliver effectively on their own ministry so that they can demonstrate to the electorate in South Africa that they are competent and inspire confidence. And that needs to be their dominant responsibility. But they must not ever do that at the cost of allowing the ANC to consolidate their power in the areas of civic bodies, universities, the judiciary and critically, the media”. Coltart doesn’t see former President Jacob Zuma’s MKP as a major threat to the GNU as long as the GNU works and delivers to the South African people. “But if the DA, the IFP laps into this notion that they hold these positions as of right and they don’t have to deliver, then they will become very vulnerable to the populism of MK and the EFF to a lesser extent,” he warns.

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Highlights from the Interview

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Chris Steyn (00:01.912):
President Cyril Ramaphosa has described the Government of National Unity as a strategic move to advance the National Democratic Revolution. What could this mean in the long term for former opposition parties like the Democratic Alliance? We asked David Coltart, a former minister in Robert Mugabe’s Government of National Unity, to share some of the lessons learned in Zimbabwe. Welcome, Mr. Coltart.

David Coltart (00:30.084):
Great being with you, Chris.

Chris Steyn (00:33.516):
Sir, how did ZANU-PF use the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe to hollow out the opposition and become stronger than ever?

David Coltart (00:45.464):
They were very cynical right from the outset. Of course, they were supported by President Mbeki, who enabled them to retain what we term the coercive ministries. They kept defense, control of the judiciary, the electoral process, the police, and all the main instruments of power in the country. Although the opposition MDC had some significant ministries, such as finance, they never really got close to controlling the levers of power.

While the country was stabilized during the almost five years of the GNU, particularly in the ministries the MDC controlled—finance, education, health, and the like—ZANU didn’t yield a centimeter of their actual hold on power.

By the 2013 election, they controlled the police, the army, the media, and the electoral process. In effect, they had almost total control over the country. They used that to subvert the 2013 election, undermine the opposition, and retain absolute power.

Chris Steyn (02:13.444):
And then they traded on the good performance of the former opposition ministers in that GNU, did they not?

David Coltart (02:21.838):
Well, of course. I was Minister of Education. When I started, 8,000 schools were still closed, and 110,000 teachers were on strike. Public examinations written the previous November hadn’t even been marked by February 2009. It was an absolutely chaotic situation in education. By the end of the five years, we had all teachers back at work, all schools operating, and a one-to-one textbook ratio for every subject and child. We even brought 15,000 more teachers back into the system and stabilized the education sector. ZANU benefited greatly from that.

The same applied to finance. Inflation dropped to single digits, and the economy grew over 10% in two years of the inclusive government. This took the sting out of the suffering.

In contrast, in South Africa, the ANC performed poorly in elections because people suffered, particularly those on the periphery. By 2013 in Zimbabwe, the situation had improved to the extent that people didn’t feel the same need to vote for the opposition. Combined with ZANU’s control over media, the judiciary, and the electoral process, this allowed them to dominate the elections.

Chris Steyn (04:07.950):
So what advice do you have for the Democratic Alliance and other former opposition parties in South Africa’s Government of National Unity to avoid the same fate?

David Coltart (04:19.086):
There are obvious differences between Zimbabwe’s GNU from 2009 to 2013 and South Africa’s current situation. The MDC was at a huge disadvantage compared to the DA. The MDC was split into two factions, neither of which was well-organized, while the DA strikes me as disciplined and well-structured.

However, there are lessons for the DA. One critical issue is that the MDC contributed to its downfall through some actions. For instance, MDC ministers quickly adopted ZANU-PF’s operating methods. They embraced the trappings of power—luxury cars, high-end lifestyles—and Morgan Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister, moved into a new, luxurious house. By the end of five years, many in the electorate couldn’t distinguish MDC ministers from ZANU-PF ministers. It appeared we were in it for the perks, not for real change.

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Secondly, we were naive. I, for instance, focused entirely on education, which was the right thing to do, but I neglected other critical areas like constitutional reform. While we succeeded in our ministries, we didn’t challenge ZANU’s consolidation of power over the judiciary, media, and electoral process.

By 2013, ZANU had entrenched its dominance.

For South Africa, the DA and IFP must strike a balance. They must deliver effectively in their ministries to demonstrate competence and inspire confidence. However, they must also remain vigilant, ensuring the ANC doesn’t consolidate control over civic bodies, universities, the judiciary, and critically, the media.

Chris Steyn (08:23.17)
What are the strongest parallels that you are seeing currently between what happened in Zimbabwe’s GNU under Robert Mugabe and what is happening in the first months of the GNU in South Africa?

David Coltart (08:36.556)
Well, I’ve been quite impressed by what I’ve seen. The parallels are that I’ve seen DA ministers, for example—if you look at Home Affairs—it appears as if a lot of the backlog in applications has been dealt with. That’s very impressive. I’m not so sure about education because, although I think, if I’m correct, the pass rate might have gone up, you still have a very low pass level. So it’s hard at this stage, and it’s too early, quite frankly, to comment on how well people are doing.

I read a story, I think last week, where it was clarified that DA ministers were not taking new vehicles, that they simply took over old vehicles, and all of that is to be commended. But there’s quite a long way to go. It is important that they maintain that standard.

You know, the public are tired, I think, of the huge cavalcades, the huge entourages, the luxurious standards. This was certainly the case in Zimbabwe, and I suspect it’s the case in South Africa, where ministers get into these positions and suddenly their lifestyle transforms dramatically. It’s critical that the DA guards against that so they retain the goodwill of the electorate. And it’s a real opportunity for them to give a different example to the electorate.

I often use the example of when I once met the Danish Foreign Minister in Copenhagen. He arrived at his meeting with me on a bicycle. Now, it might be difficult getting on a bicycle in the center of Pretoria or Cape Town, but the principle is the same. And one often sees these Scandinavian ministers using public transport. Now, I’m not a socialist. I’m not advocating…

David Coltart (10:53.87)
…but I think that what has to be conveyed to the electorate is that DA and IFP ministers understand the notion of servant leadership—that they are there to serve, not to be served. And that needs to be a constant theme throughout their time in office.

Chris Steyn (11:14.072)
Meanwhile, what do you make of former President Jacob Zuma’s MKP? How big a threat do you think that party could be to the GNU?

David Coltart (11:23.598)
I don’t see it as a major threat as long as the GNU works and delivers to the South African people.

I think if the good start is continued, and the South African economy is stabilized and starts to grow again—if you attract investment, tackle crime, and continue addressing the issues at Eskom—if more money is spent on health, education, and housing, and standards improve, that will negate any threat from MK and Jacob Zuma.

But if the DA and the IFP lapse into this notion that they hold these positions as of right and don’t have to deliver, then they will become very vulnerable to the populism of MK and the EFF, to a lesser extent.

Chris Steyn (12:32.567)
Now, there are people who feel that since the Democratic Alliance and other parties have gone into government, they are not standing up for the issues they used to fight for before and that voters elected them to fight for. I don’t know if you’ve noticed that. They are not as outspoken on many key issues.

David Coltart (12:57.208)
Well, that is something that we obviously experienced and were criticized for during the Zimbabwean GNU. And I found it personally—you’re in cabinet with Mugabe, Mnangagwa, and other people. You’re meeting them weekly, trying to develop a personal relationship so you can get things done. And inevitably, that results in less strident criticism. I found that applied to me.

It is a balancing act. There do need to be certain red lines, and they need to be spelled out in private, not in public. But within the context of the GNU, you must advise your partners that you will seek to be positive and productive. However, if certain red lines are crossed, they need to understand that will then result in public criticism.

And there’s no manual for this. You’ve just got to learn as you go. Inevitably, mistakes will be made along the way, and the GNU will be threatened at particular junctures. But it needs a mature approach from the leadership of all the parties to understand that it is inevitable for tensions to arise.

For example, foreign policy. It seems to me that the DA, in particular, has major disagreements with the ANC on certain foreign policy issues. Let’s take Ukraine, for example. President Ramaphosa has spoken to Putin and tried to toe a middle line on Ukraine, whereas the DA has been strident in its criticism of Putin. That could be a source of conflict going forward.

David Coltart (15:19.822)
What I said in my article published recently is that the DA needs to approach issues like this with considerable savvy. It needs to decide which are the most important foreign policy issues. In my own view—and perhaps I’m biased and being a bit parochial—but I think that foreign policy issues around SADC are actually far more important than, for example, more distant foreign policy issues like Gaza and Ukraine.

Let’s take, for example, the Mozambique election and President Ramaphosa’s attendance yesterday. I think that is an issue that needs to be a red line, and it’s an issue that the DA can tackle more effectively without being accused of being neo-imperialists or neocolonialists.

It’s an issue that affects Africa and, particularly, Southern Africa. In my view, it’s a critical issue because I think the future of democracy in South Africa is largely going to depend on what happens in SADC. SADC is inching towards a more democratic order. We’ve seen that in Zambia, in Botswana, in the Namibian election, and even what is happening in Mozambique at present is an indication of a new mood in Southern Africa.

Now, it’s a nascent mood—it can be snuffed out—but it is critical. My view is that long-term, sustainable economic development in South Africa, and indeed the whole of SADC, is dependent upon SADC embracing democracy, tolerance, and respect for the rule of law. Those issues are far more important, in my view, than, for example, Ukraine and Gaza.

Surely it must be easier within the context of South Africa to get a broad consensus involving the ANC, the IFP, the DA, and other democratic parties in terms of where SADC is headed, to ensure that, for example, South Africa…

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David Coltart (17:39.648)
…in its foreign policy, demands that neighboring countries’ constitutions are respected in the electoral process.

Let’s look, for example, at the SADC Tribunal, which ZANU-PF managed to dispense with over a decade ago, while the South African government essentially looked the other way. That is a critically important institution—not just for South Africa but for the whole of SADC—so that where judiciaries in other countries are perhaps biased or lacking independence, citizens can have the right of appeal to a SADC Tribunal.

There was broad consensus in SADC when it was first set up. I think there are issues like that which the DA can tackle fairly effectively to pursue a strong foreign policy agenda without actually breaking the GNU.

Chris Steyn (18:48.44)
Thank you. That was David Coltart, a former minister in Robert Mugabe’s Government of National Unity, sharing the lessons learned in Zimbabwe with former opposition parties currently in South Africa’s Government of National Unity. Thank you, Mr. Coltart.

David Coltart (19:05.57)
Thank you, Chris.

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